Abstract: The rise of globalisation and the new mass society has coincided with the decline of left-wing parties in Western democracies. The left seems devoid of a distinct political trajectory to tackle the voters’ primary concerns, notably the economy, and immigration. Moreover, it has shifted away from its foundational struggles, advocating for civil rights while overlooking growing disparities in income and wealth distribution from labour to capital. This has paved the way for the resounding predominance of right and far-right parties, which have successfully attracted electors from traditionally left-leaning groups, such as unskilled and low-income workers. These trends will be examined by analysing the root causes of the political movement's decline and exploring potential avenues for its revival.
By Alberto Aloni
Left-wing ideology was born in France after the 1789 Revolution, designating a political faction with a clear spatial and ideological position within the Parliament [1]. However, neoliberalism and globalisation have blurred this clarity, leaving the left (especially its moderate formation, the centre-left) without a discernible response to address the needs of the new mass society.
Research conducted in 2023 by the think-tank ‘More in Common’ reinforces this argument [2]. When United Kingdom voters were asked to describe in one or two words what the political blueprint of Keir Starmer’s Labour Party was, the most frequent answers were ‘Nothing,’ ‘No idea,’ ‘Don’t know,’ and ‘Not sure’ [3]. Starmer’s Labour Party eventually won the 2024 elections, but more for the pledge of leading a more competent government than the previous one. He did not set forth any decisive proposal about the economy or immigration, notably two of the issues contemporary voters are the most concerned with [4]. The left experienced significant setbacks in nearly all Western democracies, as evidenced by the 2024 European Union and the United States elections [5]. However, this decline is not a recent phenomenon; it can be traced back to the years following the fall of the Berlin Wall [6]. Between 1994 and 2017, Germany’s centre-left parties saw an average decline of 15.9%, France’s Socialists lost 14% of their support, and Greece’s left-wing parties faced a dramatic 35.2% drop between 1996 and 2015, to name a few [7].
The Root Causes of the Left Decline
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many pundits believed overcoming communism could result in greater electoral support for socialists and social democrats. Yet, empirical evidence infers otherwise, the left has experienced a steady and pronounced drop. This has led to some of the worst electoral performances ever recorded in this year’s global elections [8]. A diverse array of root causes can explain this erosion:
Firstly, moderate left-wing parties have struggled to formulate a clear and pragmatic stance on the rapidly changing economic landscape, especially about the labour market. They face difficulty reconciling welfare-state policies with growing employment precarity, technological automation, and widening wealth and income gaps [9]. Efforts to address these challenges have led to political moves that contradict their core values, such as incorporating neoliberalist market tenets in the early 2000s and supporting the European Union’s austerity measures [10].
Secondly, Socialists and Social Democrats started advocating for uncritical support of immigration, shying away from their previous, more cautious approach. Before 1990, there was a focus on managing migration, ensuring integration, and considering social impacts. This strategy was overthrown by a laissez-faire strand that does not provide a valid alternative to the right counterpart [11]. This was evident in the centre-left European parties’ handling of the 2015 immigration crisis, where their embrace of multiculturalism failed to account for the need for assimilation. As a result, economic challenges arose, including tensions in local housing markets, wage pressures, and strain on public services like healthcare and education [12].
Thirdly, the establishment of globalisation has produced an increased supply of goods, broader social stratification, and new employment prospects to break away from traditional working-class environments [13]. These new opportunities generated self-referentiality and hatred of cultural uniformity, which explain the decrease in manual and industrial workers, trade unions, and class consciousness sentiment [14]. Many of these labourers have not only diminished in number but have also increasingly transitioned into low-skilled positions. Social classes are no longer rigidly defined; instead, the main divide now lies between the wealthy and the poor, as well as between highly skilled workers and those with fewer specialisations. In this fragmented landscape, left-wing parties rooted in values such as class struggle face significant challenges [15].
Fourthly, the internet and social media have further strengthened the widespread individualism that originated from globalisation and neoliberalism. An assertive leadership capable of effectively broadcasting a political message can exert greater influence in a climate of increasing uncertainty. These traits are typically associated with right-wing personalities such as Silvio Berlusconi, Donald Trump, and Boris Johnson, less with left-wing representatives who still linger on a rigid, impersonal party organisation [16].
Lastly, the progressive bloc has lost significant influence by internalising principles that appeal to urban voters and university graduates, such as environmental policies and minorities’ rights. While these are commendable causes, they resonate less with their traditional voters who have been the left’s supportive pillar [17]. Pawel Zerka, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations clarifies this analysis, suggesting that ‘in many European countries the centre left is now seen as the rich progressive elite of the cities.’[18]
Reviving Historical Determinism: A Path for the Left’s Comeback
The left must urgently reclaim its political authority by refocusing the discourse on the economy and presenting a clear programmatic vision. This requires addressing key issues like pension reform, healthcare, and unemployment benefits while adapting to the realities of an increasingly individualised society [19]. Central to this effort is confronting the growing gap between the wealthy and the poor, as well as between high-skilled and low-skilled workers, a simplified dichotomy shaped by globalisation that has supplanted former societal divisions [20]. This shift calls for a new strategy that recognises the fluid nature of class and focuses on addressing the exacerbated inequalities. While championing gender and minority rights and environmental policies is vital, these initiatives must be integrated into a broader framework demonstrating how they contribute to widespread social and economic improvements. The left must articulate how such victories can translate into better working conditions, improved living standards, and tangible benefits for its traditional voter base. A compelling solution lies in emphasising that the communities most vulnerable to climate change and new labour paradigms are low-income workers and minorities [21]. Similarly, on immigration, the progressive formation must pivot towards advocating for stronger integration policies, also considering social impacts [22]. This approach reflects the priorities of second and third-generation immigrants, many of whom represent a significant portion of today’s economically disadvantaged and unskilled workforce. Their focus is not ideological rhetoric but concrete progress in job conditions and economic opportunities [23]. It is no coincidence that Donald Trump secured historic numbers of votes from Hispanic and Latino communities in the United States while simultaneously pushing for anti-immigration positions [24]. The promise to reduce taxes and curb inflation was sufficient to overshadow his remarks about launching the largest deportation effort in U.S. history shortly after taking office [25]. To remain true to its principles, the left must frame equality and integration within the economic, social, and labour spheres [26]. It should draw on the historical determinism that once codified its mission and inspired its supporters. Digital advancement represents another modern challenge. In this disarray, people seek strong, assertive leadership that can provide clarity and security rather than a broad, impersonal collective [27]. Therefore, it is fundamental to use digital media more effectively to communicate political messages and create a relatable, identifiable presence.
What the left must avoid at all costs is merely denouncing the right as populist or demonising its policies. Even more critically, it should resist the temptation to incorporate right-wing positions on immigration or economic issues such as border closure and support of financial deregulation [28]. History teaches that when presented with two similar choices, people will inevitably gravitate toward the original, more credible option [29].
Conclusion
These factors have enabled right-wing and far-right parties to capture the support of many discontented voters, securing a broad and enduring political foothold. To restore political influence, the left must rebuild its agenda and political organisation, focusing on a clear economic stance and addressing the social impacts of immigration in today’s individualistic society. While advocating for gender rights, minorities, and the environment remains important, the left must also emphasise economic justice, labour rights, and better living standards. By upholding its roots and refraining from right-wing positions, the left can reconnect with its base and offer a compelling alternative to regain its lost support.
References
[1] Carlisle, Madeleine. “What to Know About the Origins of ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ in Politics, From the French Revolution to the 2020 Presidential Race.” Time Magazine, September 14, 2019. https://time.com/5673239/left-right-politics-origins/.
[2] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L. The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour. The Crisis of the European Left. Springer Nature Switzerland AG, 2024.
[3] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[4] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[5] Carothers, Thomas. “Three Conclusions From the Global Year of Elections.” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, December 18, 2024. https://carnegieendowment.org/emissary/2024/12/global-year-elections-three-conclusions-democracy?lang=en.
[6] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[7] Menz, Georg. “The Decline and the Corrosion of Europe’s Center-Left After the 2008 Financial Crisis.” In The Resistible Corrosion of Europe’s Center-Left After 2008, edited by Georg Menz. Routledge, 2022.
[8] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[9] Menz Georg, 2024.
[10] Menz Georg, 2024.
[11] Menz Georg, 2024.
[12] Menz Georg, 2024.
[13] Menz Georg, 2024.
[14] Menz Georg, 2024.
[15] Menz Georg, 2024.
[16] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[17] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[18] Gozzi, Laura. “Europe’s centre left struggles to hold back surge from right.” BBC, June 6, 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cw4433yz73vo.
[19] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[20] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[21] U.S Environmental Protection Agency. “Climate Change and the Health of Socially Vulnerable People.” Accessed December 22, 2024. https://www.epa.gov/climateimpacts/climate-change-and-health-socially-vulnerable-people#:~:text=Increases%20in%20average%20and%20extreme,including%20certain%20socially%20vulnerable%20groups.&text=These%20include%20low%2Dincome%20households,experiencing%20homelessness%2C%20and%20immigrant%20populations.
[22] Menz Georg, 2024.
[23] Rhodes James, Ashe Stephen, and Valluvan Sivamohan, Reframing the ‘Left Behind’ Race and Class in post-Brexit Oldham. University of Manchester, 2019. https://hummedia.manchester.ac.uk/institutes/code/research/projects/left-behind/oldham-report-2-september-2019.pdf.
[24] Luscombe, Richard. “How Trump won over Latino and Hispanic voters in historic numbers.” The Guardian, October 22, 2024. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/nov/09/trump-latino-hispanic-vote-election.
[25] Luscombe Richard, 2024.
[26] Menz Georg, 2024.
[27] Fasano Luciano M., Natale Paolo, and Newell James L., 2024.
[28] Menz Georg, 2024.
[29] Henley, John. “Adopting rightwing policies ‘does not help centre-left votes’.” The Guardian, January 10, 2024. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/jan/10/adopting-rightwing-policies-does-not-help-centre-left-win-votes.
The rise of globalisation and the new mass society has coincided with the decline of left-wing parties in Western democracies. The left seems devoid of a distinct political trajectory to tackle the voters’ primary concerns, notably the economy, and immigration. Moreover, it has shifted away from its foundational struggles, advocating for civil rights while overlooking growing disparities in income and wealth distribution from labour to capital. This has paved the way for the resounding predominance of right and far-right parties, which have successfully attracted electors from traditionally left-leaning groups, such as unskilled and low-income workers. These trends will be examined by analysing the root causes of the political movement's decline and exploring potential avenues for its revival.